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                                                                                                                              MONTGOMERY, ALA.,
                                                                                                                              Monday, June 10, 1901.

     The convention met pursuant to adjournment, was called to order by the President, and the proceedings were opened with prayer by the Rev. Mr. Gay, as follows:

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     Our Heavenly Father: We thank Thee that Thou art always willing to hear us when we desire Thy wisdom and Thy guidance. We thank Thee that Thou hast been invoked day after day here. We pray Thee that Thou wouldst bless us in this session. Grant, O God, Thy blessing upon him who presides over these deliberations and grant that all that is done will be with an eye single to Thy glory.

     We pray Thee that Thou wouldst bless our beloved Governor. Grant to give him that faith which shall look to Him who is the same yesterday, today and forever, to receive the health and strength which he desires and which we desire for him. We pray Thee, our God, that this State may be prosperous, and Thy will be done on earth as it is in Heaven, for Christ's sake. Amen.

     The roll was called and disclosed the presence of 103 delegates.

     For this day--Messrs. Almon, deGraffenreid, Duke, Studdard, Jones (Hale), Selheimer, Martin, Greer (Perry), Hood, Altman, Carnathan, Opp, Henderson, Coleman (Walker).

     For Monday and Tuesday--Messrs. Morrisette and Locklin.

     Indefinite leave--Messrs. J. J. King, Wilson (Clarke), on account of sickness in his family.

     MR. COLEMAN--The Committee on Suffrage asks unanimous leave to be excused that they may resume work in committee.

     The leave was granted.

     MR. COLEMAN--I see it stated in the papers that leave has been granted to Miss Frances Griffin to address the Committee on Suffrage on Woman's Suffrage. I desire to say that the Committee on Suffrage has no such information. No application of that kind has been made to the Committee and nothing has transpired to authorize such a statement as far as I know.

     MR. OATES--And the Committee has something else to do.

     MR. COLEMAN--I am requested to say that the Committee has something else to do.

     THE PRESIDENT--The next order of business is the reading of the Report on Journal.

     The report was that the Journal for the fifteenth day was found correct, and was adopted.

     THE PRESIDENT--The next order of business is the call of the roll of Delegates for the introduction of Ordinances, Resolutions and Memorials.

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     Ordinance No. 351, by Mr. Davis of Etowah:

     Be it ordained by the people of Alabama in Convention assembled, that Article 7, Section X of the Constitution be amended so as to read as follows:

     Section 7.--The right of exemptions hereinbefore secured may be waived by an instrument in writing, and when such waiver relates to realty the instrument must be signed by both the husband and the wife, and attested by one witness; provided, that such waiver shall apply only to homesteads having a greater area than forty acres, and then only to the excess of forty acres; and provided further that such waiver shall not apply to household and kitchen furniture to the value of $100, to be selected by the bene? ficiary of such exemption.

     Referred to Committee on Exemptions.

     Ordinance No. 352, by Mr. Eyster:

     An ordinance for the protection of local building and loan associations from excessive taxation.

     Be it ordained by the people of Alabama in Convention assembled, that all building and loan associations in this State lending money on real estate situated in the county of their organization shall be exempt from the payment of all license fees to the State, or to any county or municipal corporation exceeding in the aggregate the sum of one ($1.00) dollar upon each one thousand ($1,000.00) dollars, actually paid in upon its capital stock, and that the shares of such associations shall not be taxable whether in the hands of share holders or held as security by the association for loans.

     Referred to Committee on Corporations.

     Ordinance No. 353, by Mr. Haley:

     Relates to Exemption of Property.

     Be it ordained by the people of Alabama in Convention assembled:

     That Section 2, Article X of the Constitution be amended as follows: By striking out all words and sentences, after the word Constitution in the ninth line of said section 2, Article X.

     Referred to Committee on Exemptions.

     Ordinance No. 364, by Mr. Haley:

     Relates to Countv Boundaries.

     Be it ordained by the people of Alabama, in Convention assembled:

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     That Section 2, Article II of the Constitution be amended so as to contain the following: No new County shall be hereafter formed with less than 400 square miles nor smaller population than 7,500.

     Referred to Committee on State and County Boundaries.

     Ordinance No. 355, by Mr. Harrison:

     To Limit the Indebtedness of the Cities, Towns and Villages in this State:

     Be it enacted by the people of Alabama in Convention assembled:

     That no city, town or village in this State shall hereafter become indebted for any purpose or in any manner to an amount which, including existing indebtedness, shall exceed 3 per cent. of the assessed valuation of the real estate and personal property within said city, town or village subject to taxation, as shown by the last preceding assessment for State and County purposes.

     Referred to Committee on Municipal Corporations.

     Ordinance No. 356, by Mr. Long of Walker:

     Relates to Judicial Department.

     Be it enacted by the people of Alabama in Convention assembled:

     That no Judge of any Circuit, or City, or other Criminal Court of Record shall have power or authority to remit in whole or in part any fine imposed upon conviction of any person below the minimum fine as fixed by law. Nor shall they have power to remit any forfeiture made final upon any bond or bail.

     Referred to Judiciary Committee.

     Ordinance No. 357, by Mr. O'Neill of Jefferson.

     Be it ordained by the people of Alabama in Convention assembled that Article XI, Section 1. be amended as follows:

     That no county, city, town or municipal corporation can charge a privilege tax except in cases where State of Alabama charges such tax, and such tax shall not exceed 50 per cent. of the license charged by the State.

     Referred to Committee on Municipal Corporations.

     MR. OATES--Mr. President, I am afraid that I may be out of order, as names are being called elsewhere, but I desire to ask a change of reference of Ordinance No. 341, by Mr. M. M. Smith which was referred to the Committee on Legislation and I do not think that it belongs to that Committee. It belongs to either the Committee on Education or Taxation.

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     THE PRESIDENT--To what Committee does the gentleman wish it referred? He is not aware of the contents of the ordinance.

     MR. OATES--I have just stated, while I do not think it belongs to the Committee on Legislation, it may be properly referred to either Taxation or Education.

     The Ordinance, No. 341, was referred to the Committee on Taxation.

     Ordinance No. 358, by Mr. O'Neill of Jefferson:

     Be it ordained by the people of Alabama, in Convention assembled:

     That Municipalities shall take State and County valuation of personal property as well as real estate.

     Referred to Committee on Taxation.

     Ordinance No. 359, by Mr. O'Neill of Jefferson:

     Be it ordained by the people of Alabama in Convention assembled:

     Article V of the Constitution be so amended as to provide for State Board of Equalization to consist of five men to be elected by the people to equalize taxes of the State.

     Referred to Committee on Executive Department.

     Ordinance No. 360, by Mr. J. W. A. Sanford:

     An Ordinance to Prohibit the Ownership of Real Estate by Persons Owing Allegiance to Foreign Governments.

     Be it ordained by the people of Alabama in Convention assembled:

     That no person who owes allegiance to any foreign power, potentate or government, shall be permitted to purchase, hold, inherit or own any real estate in the State of Alabama.

     Referred to Committee on Legislative Department.

     Ordinance No. 361, by Mr. Mac. A. Smith.

     Be it ordained by the people of Alabama in Convention assembled:

     That Section 25, Article VI of the Constitution of said State be amended so as to read as follows, to-wit:

     A solicitor for each Judicial Circuit shall be elected by the qualified electors of each circuit, who shall be learned in the law, and who shall, at the time of his election and during his continuance

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in office, reside in the circuit for which he is chosen, and whose term of office shall be for four years.

     The General Assembly, at the first session thereof after the ratification of this Constitution shall provide by law for the election of a solicitor for each Judicial Circuit of the State, whose term of office shall begin on the expiration or the term of the present solicitor in each circuit; Provided, that the General Assembly may when necessary provide for the election or appointment of county solicitors.

     Referred to Judiciary Committee.

     Ordinance No. 362, by Mr. Watts:

     To Amend Section 8 of Article XIV:

     Be it ordained that Section 8 of Article XIV be amended by adding "but after the ratification of this Constitution, no corporation shall be formed unless before organization three-fourths of the capital stock shall be subscribed for in good faith and the stock subscribed for be paid up in full before organization.

     Referred to Committee on Corporations.

     Ordinance No. 363, by Mr. Williams (Marengo):

     Relates to Exemptions from Taxation.

     Be it ordained that all property up to the value of $1,000 shall be exempt from taxation to the widows of Confederate soldiers.

     Referred to the Committee on Taxation.

     Resolution No. 142, by Mr. Williams (Marengo):

     Resolved that the Convention does sympathize with the Gallery in its bitter disappointment in not enjoying certain speech-making at this day's session.

     THE PRESIDENT--The resolution is out of order.

     MR. OATES--I was called out and was not here to respond to by name: I desire to offer two ordinances.

     Ordinance No. 364, by Mr. Oates:

     An Ordinance to Prevent an Increase of the State Debt and to Regulate Temporary Loans.

     Be it ordained by the people of Alabama in Convention assembled:

     That after the ratification of this Constitution no new debt shall be created against or incurred by this State or its authority, except to repel invasion or suppress insurrection, and then only by concurrence of two-thirds of each house of the Legislature, and

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the vote shall be taken by yeas and nays and shall be entered on the Journals; provided that the Governor may be authorized to negotiate temporary loans to meet deficiencies in the Treasury, but never to exceed $200,000, and until the same is paid no new loan shall be negotiated.

     Referred to Committee on Taxation.

     Ordinance No. 365, by Mr. Oates:

     To Provide for Refunding the Bonded Debt of the State, and for Improving the Capitol Building and Grounds.

     Whereas, The total bonded debt of the State is $9,357,600, all of which matures July 1st, 1906, except $954,000, which bears 4 per cent. interest, and does not mature till 1920, and whereas, all the aforesaid bonded debt maturing in 1906 bears 5 per cent. interest, except the class C bonds of $966,000, which bear 4 per cent., and

     Whereas, it is perfectly practicable and desirable to refund all of these bonds first maturing with State bonds bearing a much lower rate of interest therefore.

     Be it ordained by the people of Alabama, in Convention assembled:

     Sec. 1.--That the bonded debt of the State shall never, on any account, exceed in the aggregate $9,500,000.

     Sec. 2.--That the Legislature may authorize the Governor to issue bonds of the State of Alabama to the aggregate amount of $8,403,600, to mature 50 years after date, and to bear not more than 4 per cent. per annum, and as much less as practicable, the said bonds to be used solely and exclusively in exchange or substitution as the Legislature may direct, for the outstanding bonds of the State denominated as Class A, Class B, and Class C bonds.

     Sec. 3.--The Legislature, at its first session after the ratification of this Constitution, .shall empower and direct the Governor to issue and sell to the best bidder $42,400 or as much additional as may be necessary of State bonds, to mature 50 years, after date, and to bear not more than 3 1?2 per cent. per annum, and substantially of the same kind, terms, dates and denominations as the refunding bonds provided for in the last preceding election.

     The proceeds of the sale of the bonds provided for in this section shall be paid into the State Treasury, and the same, or so much thereof as may be necessary shall be used for extension of the two front wins of the Capitol, a distance of from thirty to forty feet each, improvement of the halls, and recovering with substantial material the whole roof of the Capitol, and also to pay for the private property on the South end of the Square upon which

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the Capitol building is situated, whatever price may be agreed upon with the owners, or fixed by condemnation, as provided by law.

     Referred to Committee on Legislative Department.

     THE PRESIDENT--The next order of business is the call of the Standing Committees.

     On the call of the Executive Committee Mr. Jones, chairman, offered the following:

                                                                                                                       Montgomery, Ala., June 10, 1901.
     Mr. President.--The Committee on Executive Department ask leave to amend the ordinance entitled "An ordinance to create and define the Executive department," heretofore reported to the convention, as follows:

     Amend Section 3 by adding after the words "shall be elected" the following words, "on the first Monday in August, 1902 and thereafter."

     Amend Section 5 by adding the words "elected in the year 1902, between the words "Commissioner of Agriculture and Industries" and the word "shall" in such section.

     Amend Section 13 by striking out the words "or recess," and by adding after the words " in which case it shall not be a law," the following words, "but when return is prevented by a recess, such bill must be returned to the house in which it originated, within two days after its reassembling, otherwise it shall become a law."

     Amend Section 16 by striking out the period at the end thereof and inserting in lieu thereof a semi-colon, and by adding the following words, "when the incumbent denies that the Governor or other person entitled to administer the office, has been restored to his mind, the Supreme Court, at the instance of any officer named in Section 15, shall ascertain the truth concerning the same, and, if the officer has been restored to his mind, shall so certify on its minutes and file a duly certified copy thereof with the Secretary of State, and in that event his office shall be restored to him."

     Amend Section 27 by adding after the words "as they may deem advisable" the following words, "to the best bidder."

                                                                                                                                      Thos. G. Jones, Chairman.

     MR. JONES--I move that this report be laid on the table to be acted on when the former report of the Committee on the Executive Department is considered by the convention.

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     MR. MACDONALD--I move to amend that by requiring that this additional report be printed-300 copies-for the information of the convention. I think that ought to be done.

     MR. JONES--If the gentleman from Montgomery will allow me, I will explain that this amendment simply relates to what we feared were obscurities in the terms of the officers in the first instance and the other instance was declaring what should be done if a Governor were declared of unsound mind and refused to surrender the office on the ground that he was not of unsound mind.

     MR. MACDONALD--I have no doubt that the chairman of the Executive Committee has that exactly right; still I think it necessary for the information of the convention that we should have 300 copies printed.

     THE PRESIDENT--In the opinion of the chair, the report of the Executive Committee would not be open to amendment, but the chair understands this is a notice from the committee to the convention that when this report is taken up in regular order, these amendments will be pressed by the committee. The gentleman from Montgomery (Macdonald) moves that the report be printed.

     A vote being taken, the motion was carried.

     MR. PILLANS--I rise to ask how the members are to receive these printed reports. I have had the misfortune not to see a copy of the report of the Committee on Executive Department, except in the hands of others.

     THE PRESIDENT--The chair is informed by the Secretary, that 300 copies of the report were printed and placed on the members' desks.

     MR. PILLAN--I do not think one was put on the desk on either side of me.

     THE PRESIDENT--The chair will have a copy furnished the gentleman from Mobile and any other delegate who has not received a copy will he furnished one upon application to the Secretary.

     The call of the standing committees proceeded, and the Committee on Schedule, Printing, etc, reported favorably resolution No. 120, as follows:

     "Resolved, That all resolutions authorizing the payment of any money shall be adopted only by a yea and nay vote."

     THE PRESIDENT--The report of the committee and ordinance will lie on the table and be printed.

     MR. GREER--I move that we do now adjourn.

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     MR. SANFORD--I ask the gentleman to withdraw that motion. I understand the business of the convention for today has been completed. I also know that a lady of very great distinction and unusual intellect desires to speak on Woman Suffrage---

     MR. REESE--I make the point of order, Mr. President, that a motion to adjourn has been made.

     THE PRESIDENT--The gentleman from Dallas makes the point of order that a motion to adjourn has been made, and that it is not debatable?

     MR. REESE--I withdraw the point of order.

     THE PRESIDENT--and the chair will be compelled to sustain the point of order.

     MR. HEFLIN (Chambers) -- The gentleman from Dallas withdrew the point of order.

     MR. REESE--I withdraw the point.

     THE PRESIDENT--The Chair failed to hear the gentleman when he withdrew the point of order.

     MR. SANFORD--And that she desires to be heard. It is in regard to an ordinance which was presented by the ordinance which was presented the other day by the distinguished gentleman from Dallas, relative to the power of white women to vote. I hope, therefore, that this Convention will give her a respectful hearing upon that topic, for I doubt not she is better informed on the subject than any gentleman within the hall.

     THE PRESIDENT--The gentleman from Montgomery moves that Miss Frances Griffin be invited to address the Convention.

     MR. BURNS--I rise to a point of order.

     THE PRESIDENT--State the point.

     MR. BURNS--The rules have not been suspended.

     THE PRESIDENT--The point of order is well taken.

     MR. MILLER (Marengo)--I move that the rules be suspended.

     A vote being taken, on a division, the rules were suspended by a vote of 71 to 1, Mr. Burns voting in the negative.

     A further vote being taken, the motion of the delegate from Montgomery was carried and the Chair appointed Messrs. Sanford, Burns (laughter) and Wilson (Washington), to conduct the lady to the platform, which was done.

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     THE PRESIDENT--I have the honor and pleasure of introducing to this Convention Miss Griffin, who will now address you.

     MISS GRIFFIN--Appreciating the honor afforded me, and desiring not to trespass upon your time, I have chosen to write what I have most desired to say, in order that I may be more concise than is my custom, and in thus doing, I have deviated from my usual methods of speaking offhand. I believe that my manuscript will not consume more than thirty minutes of your time.

     I do not stand as the representative of anything less than the Woman Suffrage Association of the State of Alabama and knowing that the question of suffrage is fairly open for discussion before this body, and fearing that probably what you might have denied us as a grace may come to us as a necessity before you are done, I anticipate the awkwardness of that situation by giving you a chance to express yourselves concerning this question which has grown as the years have grown. The history of our race has been the struggle of the few to secure the best conditions for the many, and the conflict has ended in victory for truth through all the centuries. The civilization that illumines us today is the crowning evidence.

     Thousands of years of bitter arguments and bloody wars were required to evolve the principle that "Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed." This thought is the guaranty of liberty of the American Republic--it is the watchword of every people striving for political freedom. Now comes the declaration that women as well as men belong to the "governed," and upon that belief, I ground my demand to the application of the principle to citizens regardless of sex.

     It is not necessary in order to point an argument, that we shall review the history of woman--or man, either, for that matter--but that we take our examination of the reasons for this demand from the conditions which surround women and men, today.

     Wise counsellors of State need not to be reminded that never in the history of Christendom have women taken such large part in the affairs of the world, and no modern fact is so full of promise as the womanly forces now at work in the home, the school, the community and among the nations. The relation of women to the government has so changed that it is hard to recognize her as she was a hundred years ago, when the saying that a man's house was his castle, and he owned everything in his castle. He owned his wife's clothes and her wedding ring and her best bonnet. He purchased the clothes for the family, he decided the food to be eaten, he administered what medicine and religion he chose. The home seemed to have no connection with the Government, nor the government with the

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home. But the whole progress of this century has been to put the home within the Government and to interfere with its welfare every moment of the day.

     Today, women own these castles as well as men; and if a woman wishes to build a house she is taxed for every nail that goes in it, every article that furnishes it; every garment she wears. Government looks after its women and interferes with them exactly as it interferes with men, because the home relations are changed and the home is within the Government. Thus, has not the condition of a woman changed from a ward to an agent of intelligence where she touches the Government all the way along her life, and the Government touches her and should she not have a share in it?

     Nobody denies that women are the chief moral agencies of the world today, nor that they walk in the front ranks of the small army that is working to lift the world to better things. But they need more power to effect their purpose. She has found out that if you want your program accepted there is no better way than to have a vote. The thickest skinned legislator is sensitive to the opinions of a voter. (Laughter.)

     The old foolishness about a vote lessening that "silent influence" so much talked of, is proven up. Did you ever hear of a man who wanted to be disfranchised in order to increase his influence? I have found the silent influence is a little too silent in the ears of the legislator.

     One of the most nearly universal reasons assigned by earnest man, against this law of evolution, the granting of suffrage to women, has been that "politics is too corrupt for women." I think that is one of your stock arguments. Politics is what men alone have made it. Government may be divided into four departments:
State, society, church, home. The State is the only one from which women have been excluded. The other three have been maintained at the highest standard, but the first has become so corrupt that it is not fit for women to have any part in it. Of course it is but it is because women have been kept out. If men alone had tried to manage all the four departments, they would by this time, all have been demoralized. The combined influence of both men and women are necessary to bring all to their highest state. It is said that the real religious creed of the people--the unmistakable evidence of what they actually believe, is their politics. But women have a trust in religion and no politics, while men have a trust in politics, and judging by the State of public affairs no religion to speak of. If you want to purify politics consolidate the truest in religion with the truest in politics.

     Much of the objection made against suffrage for women arises from misunderstanding; much too, from a dread of the sweeping changes which it is supposed to imply. Then there is the feeling,

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that voting in order to be worth much must be the expression of an intelligent opinion and that many men and most women are incapable of giving such expression.

     The man without a vote is a subject, not a citizen; the woman without a vote in an inferior not an equal.

     Do women know enough about politics to vote intelligently? (Laughter.)

     I see you don't need the answer but I will give it just because I have it here.

     The ratio of general intelligence among women is as high as among men, while statistics show the percentage of illiteracy to be less. When they have an object for studying political economy they will do it, and will furnish as many surprises as they have in proving themselves capable of the highest education.

     Surely they are now as capable as the mass of foreign speaking naturalized citizens, who continually increase the hordes of voters. On this point we have the testimony of no less a person than Professor Harris, National Commissioner of Education at Washington. He says, "I find on making actual calculation, that the women in secondary and higher education added together, number 287,162, while the men number 235,296; that is, about 55 per cent women to 45 per cent men, for the entire education higher than the primary schools." Our colleges have doubled in numbers within ten years, and the number of women who are getting ready for college is astonishing. Add to this the temperate lives as a rule which must be in woman's favor.

     They neither steep themselves in tobacco nor besot themselves with liquor, so that whatever brains they have are kept intact.

     Another statement is often made, that "Behind the ballot is the bayonet," and that those who can not help to enforce the laws shall not help choose the lawmakers. If this were really so the women could not complain of being ruled out along with other non-combatants. But it is not so. The United States military statistics taken at the time of our civil war, showed that a large majority of the doctors, lawyers, ministers and educators examined for military duty were found to be physically disqualified.

     You know what that means. They did not go to the war; in other words, while on the other hand only a small fraction of the unskilled laborers were found disqualified. Since professional men, as a class, can not fight, while unskilled laborers can, does it follow that suffrage should be taken away from professional men, and be limited to unskilled laborers? The old, the infirm, the halt, the lame and the blind are freely admitted to vote, so find some other reason for excluding women than the fact that they do not fight. In all ordinary cases the enforcement of the civil law

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is done by the police and women contribute to it exactly the same way that the majority of men do; they help to pay for it. No man is compelled to serve on the police, but out of those who volunteered a sufficient number are paid with money that is levied alike on men and women.

     Another fine gallant speech is that "Men should not place this burden on women."

     Far from increase the burden of women, it will lessen it. The immense work in which women are engaged, in charities and reforms in the constant repairing of the damages of society, would be infinitely less, if they had some power to prevent the evil. They are shut out from all influence over causes, and only permitted to deal with their bearing all the results of pauperism and crime; but they are forbidden all part in making and administering of laws and shaping conditions that would lessen the number of paupers and criminals. Even in their own household they must suffer from the results, the effects of intemperance, disease and unjust laws, many of which they might prevent if they were not kept in a state of utter helplessness.

     Disfranchisement is no kindness to women; it is cruelly unjust and makes their burdens heavier.

     The greatest of all questions yet remains unanswered, nor do I hope to be able to do more than glide along its borders in the time to which I restrict myself.

     Why do women want to vote?

     If things really were what the benevolent and kindly hearted among us wish they were, there would be no need for question or answer. The mother sex of the race would have, from these well wishers, the most beautiful environments in which to nurture and bring up the future citizens of a glorious commonwealth. Riches and culture and genial loveliness would be attendant upon this half of humanity, so often called goddesses and angels But, alas! how far otherwise it is, my heart bleeds to express, for Paradise and Elysian Fields are out of the calculation.

     True, the woman can say what Milton put in the mouth of Eve, in his supposed Paradise, "Thy law is mine," but not in the sense of having made it or approved it when made.

     If there were no other reason why she should want to vote, there would be the one to avoid being classed with traitors, with idiots, with criminals and with children.

     If there were no other there would be the demand for justice and full equality before the law; the symbol of self government which assumes her self protection. But when we invite you to look abroad upon the great army of wage-workers today and see the women, the mothers of families, who sometimes have the door

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locked at home on a group of small children to keep them safe until she return with food, and know that it is the struggle of the survival of the fittest and that the weakest are still further handicapped by the lack of any voice to regulate the laws that crush her; that it is really not a question of sex but of the necessity of affording assistance to a helpless and needy class of human beings, and if you believe as we do that the ballot will help this a little,--you will not think the demand so unnecessary. The demand for equal wages for equal work has slowly obtained consideration and yet it is far from settled. The places affording living salaries have always been given to men as the breadwinners of the civilized world, though the man be unmarried and without dependents, while a woman, though she be supporting children and sometimes an invalid or good-for-nothing husband, is considered an interloper pushing herself into some man's place, where she generally receives half his wages. You might dissent from this in plea for better things lately, but I can show a point in order, happening less than a month ago, where a change was made in the school, the young woman teacher resigning and the place was filled by a young lad, scarcely more than 21, with only the high school certificate, but his salary was immediately raised to teach precisely the same grade and number of pupils.

     I remember the day when a woman's suffrage advocate, a lady doctor or a female lawyer were never mentioned in polite society. If a woman made her living it must be as a milliner, dressmaker or seamstress, and make no invasion of the so-called masculine territory. When men receive $12.50 a week as clerks in stores, the female clerks get $5.

     This injustice may arise from the belief that woman's needs are less. Men have seen how moderate are all the demands of women of their acquaintance,--I mean good women,--you undestand, not the naughty, fast damsels, adventuresses and the like who never ask for the ballot, and men, knowing that very little money would supply their needs, have made corresponding financial arrangements. This is true in the homes which men provide; but when she provides her own home, she enjoys soft places with fat salaries, public positions with little to do and much to get, such as weather-bureau places, clerk and secretaryships in Government, State and municipal offices, and the successful professions. For all these things women have proved their capacity and for higher things they will prove equally as worthy.

     I do not seek to portray incidents of sorrow, though they are as multitudinous as leaves in Valambrosa concerning the struggles of the female wage worker, whose condition is to be bettered by the ballot in her hand; but I'll give a cold blooded statement of Carrol D. Wright, who says: "Industrial and political equality will be co-ordinate in their result. Political influence

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will bring industrial emancipation." Woman asks the ballot for the same reason that men have asked for it. She asks it for self-protection. Why else have men been working for the ballot? The laboring men have fought for it until they have got it. There is a very concrete illustration of the protective value of the ballot in the fact that in New York State it took the farmers three months to get a bill through to protect their milk cans, and it took the un-enfranchised women of New York ten years to get a bill through to protect girls.

     She does not ask from the law any special protection; she only asks for the means to protect herself.

     As we progress, there come up the minor suggestions that few women desire to vote; that they would not vote if they had the right; that they would vote as their husbands do, etc.

     I doubt not there are women who do not want to vote. There were women who did not want higher education. If we had waited until every woman had been in favor of opening up colleges for women, how long would it have been before the doors of the colleges would have been opened? There are women who are not looking for the best in any condition of life. There is an illustration by Pandita Ranabia, the East Indian reformer. He said that when it was first suggested that the East Indian girls be educated as well as the men, that a mother said if it was advocated in her house she would throw herself out of the window.

     Of course many darkeys struggled for their freedom, but many sat here still as mice until Wilson's raid and Smith's invasion, when they came in and told them in trumpet tones that they were free, and it took some time for them to understand it, because they had to pick themselves up with their master's goods and get out of town. But rights are not measured by the number who want them.

     So long as there is one woman who wants the right to vote, she is, according to the spirit of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, entitled to that right. The petition presented to the last Parliament signed by 257,000 English women, although English women are allowed to vote for every officer except members of Parliament.

     If that gallery were not so packed today, you might still say women did not want to vote. That they would not vote if they had the right, is contradicted in the States where full suffrage is enjoyed. Secretary of the Navy J. D. Long is quoted as saying that suppose it should be so; it often happens in an election that snore than half the men. refuse to vote. But if one man or woman wants to exercise the right to vote, what earthly reason is there for denying it, because other men or women do not wish to exercise it?

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     I will skip a little.

     That women will vote with their husbands will not always happen. You know that yourselves. (Applause). I have by experience proven that it will not. I went to Wetumpka once, to help in the suppression of the saloons, and petitions and counterpetitions were the order of the day. Men and women signed them, but the names of many men were on contrary petitions from those on which the names of the wives were found. Whenever the interests of the home are to be protected, the unworthy husband will find himself left.

     Every step of progress has been beclouded by direful prophesies. When it was proposed to educate her properly, beyond vocal and instrumental music and the cultivation of good manners, horrible warnings were sent out that the home would be destroyed. It was clear that if all women were educated, all women would become blue stockings and write books, neglect children and become unworthy creatures. But the schools at last were opened to them, women were educated and public opinion simmered down after the discovery that the highest educated woman makes the best housekeeper, wife and mother. When the demand came for property rights for woman, in order that they might not live paupers dependent on the bounty of their husbands. (Laughter).

     Every one of those points you know are good--then the cry went up that women would desert their homes, yet it was found that there were thousands of women for whom there could be no homes unless they worked in the outside world. But it was said the moral life of woman would be degraded by public contact. But it is shown that wherever women have been allowed to earn a livelihood, in an honorable and respectable way, they have raised the standard of morality rather than lowered it.

     The homes have not been broken up; for humans are and always will be the same and the great agency of God, known as human love, will continue to bind the home and family which are founded in justice and educated upon right principles. The claim is made that we are building a barrier between men and women and that we are antagonistic to men because men are men, and we are women. This is not true. There never was a time when men and women were such good friends as now. We have now co-education in our schools; and boys and girls work side by side and study and recite together.

     There is nothing in liberty that can harm either man or woman; there is nothing in justice that can work evil to society.

     We do not claim that the millenium will come when we are enfranchised, but we do claim that the millenium will never come until justice is done to all mankind.

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     We do not ask the ballot because we do not believe in men, or because we think men unjust or unfair; we do not ask to speak for ourselves, because we believe men unwilling to speak for us; but because men by their very nature never can speak for women. It would be as impossible for all men to understand the needs of women and to care for their interests as it would be for all women to understand the needs of men and care for the interests of them.

     So long as laws affect both men and women, men and women together should make those laws. (Now why don't you applaud that?)

     Women need the ballot--not because men are sinners--although you know they are--but because they are by nature different from women-- too different to be able to represent then and women must either go unrepresented or represent themselves. I think if we had had a constituency of women last winter when we fought the child labor bill, if we were some one's constituency and had had votes when the preachers stood by us and every roan of right and everybody that appreciated gentleness and benevolence that stood by us before that committee. that committee would have been afraid to have reported against us. You know you are afraid now of what you are doing and that committee would have been more afraid of what it did. But that Child Labor Bill is not downed, neither is the woman's suffrage question closed. I had not discussed the darkey question because the darkeys and we stood by each other a long time. You know there was a time when the criminals, the insane people, traitors, idiots, negroes and women were not allowed to vote, but I understand that my gardener is going to be disfranchised. He has been the only thing that represented us at the polls. I live in a household of women, of educated women. My sisters are widows and I am an old maid. There is not a man on the face of the earth interested particularly in how the affairs of our household go. We have no more voice in that neighborhood than if we were a party of Americans set down in Russia. There is a negro gardener who works our field, who is our hostler and Major Domo. He was a little over twenty-one years old when he came to us. He said he had been in school ten years and he was at the first pages of the second reader, but when the voting time came he went over to the village, and did the voting for that family.

     And now, as you are taking that one prop from under us, we ask you to at least give us his leavings (prolonged applause).

     MR. GREER (Calhoun)--I move we adjourn.

     MR. JACKSON--Will the gentleman withdraw his motion? As the gentleman has withdrawn the motion--

     MR. GREER (Calhoun)--No, sir, I have not. I rise to a point of order; the motion is not debatable.

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     MR. REESE--I rise to a point of order. The gentleman from Calhoun is not in his seat, and his motion is not in order.

     The point of order was sustained.

     MR. GREER (Calhoun)--I make the point of order that we adjourn at 1 o'clock, and we are now adjourned anyhow.

     THE PRESIDENT--The rules were suspended by the Convention.

     MR. JACKSON--I move that a vote of thanks be tendered to the distinguished lady who has delivered this magnificent address, which has been so highly appreciated by this Convention.

     The motion was carried.

     After making the announcement of committee meetings for the evening, the Convention on motion of Mr. Williams (Marengo) adjourned.